整理 | 事实的意义:密斯的拼贴画的近距离与个人化 (下)bb
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Feb 20, 2023 06:08 AM
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整理 | 事实的意义:密斯的拼贴画的近距离与个人化 (下)
' The significance of Facts ' : Mies's collage up close and personal
Neil Levine
上篇:
未插图
Museum for a Small City
小城市的博物馆
The Museum for a Small City was commissioned by Architectural Forum for an issue to be published in May 1943 devoted to the creation of an ideal American small city for the postwar period. Mies was asked, in February 1941, to do a church, but chose to do a museum. His site, at the heart of the town center, forms one side of the main plaza, adjoining Charles Eames's city hall and facing the concert hall and civic auditorium that was part of it. A sketchy perspective of the pavilionlike building, however, shows it in an idealized setting, more reminiscent of the Teton Mountains than of the urban site it was supposed to occupy. Indeed, the collages of the museum's interior are clearly dependent on the earlier Resor House, evincing the same type of planar composition, akin to Picasso's most classical papers coll6s of 1912 or so, and completely different from the German and Soviet types of dynamic, diagonally based compositions, such as those of El Lissitzky or Kurt Schwitters, that Mies would have known. Among the collages, one, in particular, illustrates what Mies stated was the driving idea of the design: to create a space for Picasso's Guernica so that "it can be shown to greatest advantage," becoming "an element in space against a changing background."" While this description has led later critics and historians to assume Mies approached the project as a purely formal problem in abstract design, the images themselves tell another story.
《小城市的博物馆》是受《建筑论坛》委托,为1943年5月出版的一期杂志设计的,专门为战后时期创造一个理想的美国小城市。1941年2月,密斯被要求做一个教堂,但他选择做一个博物馆。他的选址在镇中心,形成了主广场的一侧,与查尔斯-埃姆斯的市政厅相邻,面对着作为其一部分的音乐厅和市民礼堂。然而,这个亭子般的建筑的草图显示,它处于一个理想化的环境中,更让人联想到泰顿山,而不是它应该占据的城市场地。事实上,博物馆内部的拼贴画明显依赖于早期的雷索尔之家,表现出相同类型的平面构图,类似于毕加索1912年左右的最经典的论文拼贴画,而完全不同于密斯会知道的德国和苏联类型的动态、基于对角线的构图,如埃尔-利西茨基或库尔特-施维特斯的作品。在这些拼贴画中,有一幅特别说明了密斯所说的设计的驱动思想:为毕加索的《格尔尼卡》创造一个空间,以便"它能以最大的优势被展示出来",成为"变化的背景下的空间元素"。虽然这种描述导致后来的评论家和历史学家认为密斯将该项目作为抽象设计中的一个纯粹的形式问题来处理,但图像本身却讲述了另一个故事。
Guernica is placed in the middle ground, slightly off center. It is framed by two figures by Maillol: Night on the right and the Monument to Cezanne on the left. Behind are photographs of foliage (on the right) and water (on the left). Nature thus becomes the calm and serene background for culture. But, unlike the Resor House, here the flat cutouts describe a perspectival space in which Picasso's painting - the only scene of activity - is isolated in space and time, like an event still unfolding. Maillol's Night, which turns its back to the painting, acts as a repoussoir figure, situating the image of war in the deep recesses of the mind - in sleep - somewhere between dream and reality. Based on such a reading, it is difficult not to see, in this premonition of Andre Malraux's photograph-inspired must imaginaire, or museum-without walls, a reaction to the terror of a new form of technological warfare the photographs of the bombing of Guernica broadcast to the world just a few years before.
《 格尔尼卡》被放置在中间位置,略微偏离中心。它被马约尔的两个人物框住了。右边是《夜》,左边是《塞尚纪念碑》。后面是树叶(在右边)和水(在左边)的照片。自然因此成为文化的平静和安宁的背景。但是,与Resor House不同的是,这里的平面剪裁描述了一个透视空间,其中毕加索的画作--唯一的活动场景--在空间和时间上是孤立的,就像一个仍在展开的事件。马约尔的《夜》背对着这幅画,充当了复述的角色,将战争的形象置于心灵的深处--睡眠中--介于梦境和现实之间。基于这样的解读,很难不看到,在安德烈-马尔罗的照片启发的must imaginaire或无墙博物馆的这种预感中,对几年前轰炸格尔尼卡的照片向世界播放的一种新形式的技术战争的恐怖反应。
The incorporation of Picasso's painting dealing with the German Luftwaffe's brutal destruction of the Basque town of Guernica in late April 1937 could hardly have been taken simply as a formal problem by Mies. The painting's continuous public display as the most powerful representation of antiwar, anti-Nazi propaganda began in the early summer of 1937 when it was exhibited in Jose-Luis Sert's Spanish Pavilion at the Paris World's Fair as an act of protest against the Franco regime. Mies, as we remember, visited Paris in early July to meet Helen Resor, just a few weeks after the much-celebrated and highly controversial installation of Picasso's painting took place (Mies also went through Paris on his way to Wyoming in mid-August).4" Throughout 1938 and early 1939, Guernica toured Scandinavia and Great Britain. In May 1939, it was brought to the United States by the Spanish Refugee Relief Campaign for a series of stops in different cities. Between the spring of 1939 and the fall of 1941, it was exhibited twice in Chicago (where Mies was living): first, in the fall of 1939, at the Chicago Arts Club, and then in early 1940, as part of the large Picasso exhibition at the Chicago Art Institute that had been organized by Alfred Barr and first seen at New York's Museum of Modern Art.
1937年4月下旬,德国空军对巴斯克小镇格尔尼卡的残暴破坏,毕加索的这幅画被纳入其中,对密斯来说,这很可能只是一个形式问题。这幅画作为最有力的反战、反纳粹宣传的代表而不断公开展示,始于1937年的初夏,当时它在巴黎世博会何塞-路易斯-塞尔特的西班牙馆展出,作为对佛朗哥政权的抗议行为。正如我们所记得的那样,密斯在7月初访问了巴黎,会见了海伦-雷索,就在毕加索的画作发生了备受赞誉和极具争议的安装之后的几个星期(8月中旬,密斯在前往怀俄明州的途中也经过了巴黎)。4"在整个1938年和1939年初,《格尔尼卡》在斯堪的纳维亚和英国巡回展出。1939年5月,它被西班牙难民救济运动带到了美国,在不同的城市进行了一系列停留。从1939年春天到1941年秋天,它在芝加哥(密斯居住的地方)展出了两次:第一次是在1939年秋天,在芝加哥艺术俱乐部,然后在1940年初,作为芝加哥艺术学院的大型毕加索展览的一部分,该展览由阿尔弗雷德-巴尔组织,首次在纽约的现代艺术博物馆看到。
Wherever it was displayed, the painting evoked powerful feelings about the horrors of war and the dehumanizing effects of the technology driving it, symbolized by Picasso in the central light bulb. Mies's construction of a "museum-without walls" to "show [Guernica] to its greatest advantage" leaves little doubt that he was aware of the painting's message. Like the painting itself, his collage is black, white, and gray. Water, foliage, and bronze are drained of natural color. The modern nightmare depicted by Picasso is framed in a discourse of sleep, dream, and nature's timeless rhythms. In the face of the event, the human is reduced to a state of inaction, personified by what Andre Gide spoke of as the "muteness" of Maillol's figures. Before the war, Wilhelm Lehmbruck and Georg Kolbe were Mies's favorite sculptors; now the French neoclassicist Maillol took the place of the German expressionists as his figural interlocutor.42 The ambiguity of Maillol's figures may well have been the attraction. Does Night refuse to look at what is going on behind her back? Is she ashamed of what she has seen? Is her posture an expression of sorrow, or despair? All these questions, it seems to me, are valid responses to the narrative of the museum-as-collage.
无论在哪里展出,这幅画都唤起了人们对战争的恐怖和推动战争的技术的非人化影响的强烈感受,毕加索在中央的灯泡中象征了这种影响。密斯建造了一个"没有墙壁的博物馆",以"最大限度地展示[格尔尼卡]",这让人毫不怀疑他意识到了这幅画的信息。就像这幅画本身一样,他的拼贴画是黑色、白色和灰色。水、树叶和青铜被抽走了自然的颜色。毕加索描绘的现代噩梦被框在睡眠、梦境和大自然永恒的节奏的话语中。在事件面前,人沦为一种无为的状态,被安德烈-纪德称为马约尔的人物的"沉默"所代表。战前,威廉-莱姆布鲁克(Wilhelm Lehmbruck)和乔治-科尔贝(Georg Kolbe)是密斯最喜欢的雕塑家;现在,法国新古典主义者马约尔(Maillol)取代了德国表现主义者,成为他的形象对话者。小夜是否拒绝看她背后发生的事情?她对自己所看到的一切感到羞愧吗?她的姿势是在表达悲伤,还是绝望?在我看来,所有这些问题都是对"博物馆即拼贴画"这一叙事的有效回应。
Concert Hall
音乐厅
That the Museum for a Small City raises more questions than it answers may well be the reason Mies zeroed in on one part of it for his Concert Hall design. The auditorium of the Museum, visible on the right in the perspective, was to have been enclosed by freestanding partitions and an acoustic shell ceiling suspended from exposed roof trusses. In translating this programmatic element from the space of the Museum and expanding it into a space of its own, Mies made one of the most provocative moves in the history of twentieth-century architecture, provocative both in its formal and its political implications. Instead of designing the building himself, he used a photograph of one that had recently been published, into which he simply inserted his spatial arrangement and iconographic treatment by means of collage, the building thus becoming a kind of "assisted readymade," to use Marcel Duchamp's term. The photograph was of Albert Kahn's Assembly Building for the Glenn Martin Aircraft Plant at Middle River, Maryland, built five years before in 1937 and published by George Nelson in a monograph on Kahn in 1939.
小城博物馆提出的问题比它回答的问题要多,这很可能是密斯在设计音乐厅时将它的一个部分作为重点的原因。博物馆的礼堂,在透视图的右边可以看到,本来是由独立的隔断和悬挂在暴露的屋顶桁架上的声学外壳天花板围起来的。在将博物馆空间中的这一程序性元素转化为自己的空间时,密斯做出了二十世纪建筑史上最具挑衅性的举动之一,在形式和政治含义上都具有挑衅性。他没有亲自设计这座建筑,而是使用了一张最近出版的照片,他只是通过拼贴的方式将自己的空间安排和图标处理插入其中,用马塞尔-杜尚的话说,这座建筑因此成为一种"辅助的现成品"。这张照片是阿尔伯特-卡恩为位于马里兰州中河的格伦-马丁飞机厂建造的装配大楼,五年前于1937年建成,由乔治-纳尔逊在1939年出版的关于卡恩的专著中发表。
The Kahn building was a landmark of sorts in the history of engineering. With its thirty-foot-deep trusses, three-hundred-feet long, it was the largest flat span ever constructed. But this was not merely for technology's sake. The structure's purpose was to provide a large enough column-free space for the manufacture of the Martin Mars airplane, otherwise known as the "floating fortress." This major investment in America's accelerating preparations for war had a nearly three-hundred-foot wingspan, the largest of any plane at the time. The Kahn building was also used to manufacture the B-26 bomber (called the Marauder), the A-30 Maryland fighter plane (already being used by France and Britain against Germany, beginning in 1939), and the PBM-1 Mariner (specifically designed to destroy German submarines). The photograph published by Nelson shows a China Clipper (the prototype of the Mars), a Maryland, and a B-26 Marauder behind it, as well as a PBM-1 Mariner to the far right in front of the dark partition. By the time Mies fixed upon the photograph of the Martin Assembly Building, America had entered the war and the Mariners and Marauders being manufactured in it had begun to attack German positions. For a German living in America, to call this image highly charged would hardly be an overstatement.
卡恩大楼是工程史上的一个里程碑。它有三十英尺深的桁架,三百英尺长,是有史以来最大的平跨度建筑。但这不仅仅是为了技术而技术。该结构的目的是为制造马丁火星飞机提供足够大的无柱空间,也就是所谓的"浮动堡垒"。这一美国加速备战的重大投资具有近300英尺的翼展,是当时所有飞机中最大的。卡恩大楼还被用来制造B-26轰炸机(称为"掠夺者")、A-30 "马里兰"战斗机(从1939年开始,法国和英国已经用它来对付德国),以及PBM-1 "水手"(专门用来摧毁德国潜艇)。纳尔逊发表的照片显示了一架中国快船(火星的原型)、一架马里兰和后面的B-26掠夺者,以及最右边黑暗隔板前的PBM-1水手号。当密斯定格在马丁装配大楼的照片上时,美国已经加入了战争,在那里制造的水手和掠夺者已经开始攻击德国阵地。对于一个生活在美国的德国人来说,把这幅照片称为高度紧张的照片也不为过。
Unlike the collages for the Resor House and the Museum, which were constructed, in effect, of planes of paper, here Mies worked by a gradual and deliberate process of negation - erasing, defacing, and masking evidence of the actual airplanes. After having the photograph enlarged into a photostat, he apparently first blacked out the small Mariner on the right, along with the high wing and propellers of the China Clipper in the center, by inking in the spaces between the benday dots. The next step was to overlay the perspectivally adjusted pieces of white, gray, and yellow paper forming the floor, ceiling, and walls of the auditorium proper, leaving visible only a group of men just to the right of center, in front of the B-26. They were obliterated, and along with them almost any suggestion of an airplane behind, by a final overlay consisting of a reproduction of Maillol's figure of The Mediterranean. Originally called Thought, the Maillol sculpture diverts attention from the background by confronting the viewer head-on, with its inwardly-directed expression of contemplation. Insulated from the surrounding factory by the panels of the auditorium shell, this image of self-absorption defines a zone of silence within what would otherwise be an indescribable din of machine tools, motors, and metalworking. The silencing of the noise of airplane manufacture becomes the aural metaphor for the visual masking of its production. Why, we might ask, make this Sisyphean effort to fabricate concert-hall conditions out of an acoustic nightmare if not to foreground the very process of denial and negation underlying the act of introspection?
与Resor House和博物馆的拼贴画不同,这些作品实际上是由纸质飞机构成的,在这里,密斯是通过一个渐进的、故意的否定过程--擦除、涂抹和掩盖实际飞机的证据。在将照片放大成影印件后,他显然首先将右边的小水手号以及中间的中国快船号的高翼和螺旋桨涂黑,在弯曲的点之间涂上墨水。下一步是将经过视角调整的白色、灰色和黄色的纸片覆盖在礼堂的地板、天花板和墙壁上,只留下中间右侧的一群人,在B-26的前面。他们被抹去了,连同他们背后的飞机的几乎所有暗示,都被最后的覆盖物所掩盖,包括马约尔的《地中海》图的复制品。马约尔的雕塑最初被称为"思想",它以其内向的沉思表达方式正面对着观众,从而将注意力从背景中转移出来。这个自我陶醉的形象被礼堂外壳的面板与周围的工厂隔离开来,在本来是难以描述的机床、马达和金属加工的喧嚣中,定义了一个安静的区域。沉默的飞机制造的噪音成为其生产的视觉掩盖的听觉隐喻。我们可能会问,如果不是为了凸显内省行为背后的否认和否定过程,为什么要做出这种从声音噩梦中制造出音乐厅条件的艰难努力?
Seen together, as pendants, the Concert Hall and the Museum reinforce each other's political content. Maillol's enigmatic role as mediator serves to link the two projects while magnifying the questions they leave in the air. But the political message of the Concert Hall is clearly not as straightforward as, say, Lissitzky's contemporaneous work for the Stalinist regime; although it is not for this reason any less political. In his 1941 poster entitled "Make More Tanks", Lissitzky used all the avant-garde conventions of the 1920s to dramatize the collective wartime effort. The white halos around the tank and plane reify the thoughts in the minds of the workers and lead them toward a positive goal. The elements of collage in Mies's project have the opposite effect - erasing and wiping from the mind almost all evidence of war. Which necessarily brings up the question of how to read the design in relation to the war.
作为挂件,音乐厅和博物馆在一起看时,相互加强了对方的政治内容。马约尔作为调解人的神秘角色将这两个项目联系起来,同时放大了它们在空中留下的问题。但音乐厅的政治信息显然不像利西茨基为斯大林政权创作的同时代作品那样直截了当;尽管它的政治性并没有因此而降低。在他1941年题为"制造更多的坦克"的海报中,利西茨基使用了20世纪20年代的所有前卫艺术惯例来渲染战时的集体努力。坦克和飞机周围的白色光环将工人们心中的想法重现,并引导他们朝着一个积极的目标前进。密斯项目中的拼贴元素具有相反的效果--从头脑中抹去和擦去几乎所有的战争证据。这必然带来一个问题:如何阅读与战争有关的设计。
The combined meaning of the Concert Hall and Museum is surely a complex one, to which we may never really be able to give a definitive answer. I should like, however, to offer some suggestions, placing special emphasis on the fact that we are talking about the evidence of the works rather than the conscious or unconscious intentions of the author. With this caveat, let me begin with the matter of program. In their devotion to music, on the one hand, and fine arts, on the other, these two civic projects could be seen as instituting a kind of aesthetic defense against the war. Yet the replacement of destructive war machinery by constructive cultural activity in the Concert Hall, along with the primacy of place given to Picasso's painting of Guernica in the Museum, could lead to an interpretation of the projects as a profession of antiwar sentiment. But the character of the painting's installation, combined with the Concert Hall's silence on the subject, raises certain doubts.
音乐厅和博物馆的综合含义肯定是一个复杂的问题,我们可能永远无法真正给出一个明确的答案。然而,我想提供一些建议,特别强调我们谈论的是作品的证据而不是作者有意识或无意识的意图。带着这个警告,让我从程序问题开始。一方面是对音乐的投入,另一方面是对美术的投入,这两个公民项目可以被看作是对战争的一种审美防御。然而,音乐厅中建设性的文化活动取代了破坏性的战争机器,再加上博物馆中给予毕加索的《格尔尼卡》画作的首要地位,可能会导致人们将这些项目解释为反战情绪的一种职业。但是,这幅画的安装特点,加上音乐厅对这一主题的沉默,引起了某些怀疑。
In the Museum, the painting of the Nazi bombing is framed by two works of art and situated against a background of water and foliage; and, in the Concert Hall, the evidence of war is obliterated by the very act of sublimation the building performs to come into being. War, in effect, is naturalized and aestheticized by the act of collage. And so, we might then ask, is it also anesthetized? Here, too, we find we must defer; for Mies's collages can be seen as going one step further and becoming a denial of the very condition of war itself, an attempt to turn one's back to the evidence and refuse to look it in the eye. This, of course, would fit with the political image we have of Mies. But if this were the case, why would one go to the trouble of producing such politically charged images in the first place? To which a reasonable response might be that, no matter how much an intellectual and artist like Mies tried to distance himself from everyday affairs, the war, if only because of his own enemy alien status, surely weighed heavily on his mind and raised certain issues about the interrelation of architecture, politics, and culture that demanded to be acknowledged and ultimately represented in built form.
在博物馆里,纳粹轰炸的画作被两件艺术品框住,并以水和树叶为背景;而在音乐厅里,战争的证据被建筑的升华行为所抹去,从而得以存在。实际上,战争通过拼贴行为被自然化和审美化了。因此,我们可能会问,它也被麻醉了吗?在这里,我们也发现我们必须推迟;因为密斯的拼贴画可以被看作是更进一步,成为对战争本身状况的否定,试图背对着证据,拒绝直视它。当然,这也符合我们对密斯的政治形象。但是,如果是这样的话,为什么人们首先要费尽心思制作这种带有政治色彩的图像呢?对此,一个合理的回答可能是,无论像密斯这样的知识分子和艺术家如何试图与日常事务保持距离,战争,如果仅仅是因为他自己的敌国身份,肯定会在他的脑海中留下沉重的印象,并提出某些关于建筑、政治和文化的相互关系的问题,要求被承认并最终以建筑形式表现出来。
During the war, while Mies's activities were essentially limited to the drawing board, collage became a crucial means for such investigation. The inherent ambiguities of collage, as opposed to the more unified and totalizing character of the photomontage technique he had explored in the 1920s, became the architectural correlative of his evolving political thought. Following the adoption of this new method in the Resor House, where it registers the condition of alienation and exile by the distancing of subject from object, Mies manipulated the shifting, multilayered possibilities of the technique in the Museum for a Small City to project a complex statement about the war in Europe. And, finally, in the Concert Hall, he pressed the medium into a unique form of construction by occlusion that offered a countertype to Picasso's painting by internalizing the effects of war and representing, through figures of denial and silence - and against the powerful background of American industry - the feelings one might experience in the political limbo in which Mies found himself at the time. 战争期间,虽然密斯的活动基本上局限于画板,但拼贴画却成为这种调查的重要手段。拼贴画固有的模糊性,与他在20世纪20年代探索的摄影蒙太奇技术更加统一和整体化的特点相反,成为他不断发展的政治思想的建筑对应物。在Resor House中采用了这种新方法,通过主体与客体的距离来记录异化和流放的状况,之后密斯在Museum for a Small City中操纵了这种技术的变化和多层次的可能性,以投射出关于欧洲战争的复杂声明。最后,在《音乐厅》中,他将这一媒介压入一种独特的遮蔽构造形式中,通过将战争的影响内在化,并通过否认和沉默的人物--在美国工业的强大背景下--表现人们在当时米斯发现自己所处的政治困境中可能经历的感受,从而为毕加索的绘画提供了一种反面教材。
Postwar I-Beam
战后的工字钢
After the war, Mies's architecture underwent a decisive revision based, in large measure, on ideas adumbrated in the collages of the three wartime projects we have been looking at. Franz Schulze, Fritz Neumeyer, and others have stressed the formal precedent they variously provide for the prismatic shape, static composition, large-scale clear-span space, and structural expression of the later work. In the concluding section of this article, however, I should like to focus on a more substantive issue deriving from the complex attitude toward figurative imagery and representational means the collages as collages display in order to show how this underwrote the changes Mies effected in his system of design and ultimately determined the architecture's content. Central to this discussion will be Mies's adoption of the standard American rolled steel I-beam as the "ready-made" signifier of a new structural order of representation.
战后,密斯的建筑经历了一次决定性的修正,这在很大程度上是基于我们一直在关注的三个战时项目的拼贴画中所暗示的想法。弗朗茨-舒尔茨、弗里茨-诺伊梅尔等人强调了他们为后期作品的棱形形状、静态构图、大型净跨空间和结构表达所提供的不同形式的先例。然而,在本文的结论部分,我想着重讨论一个更实质性的问题,它来自于作为拼贴画的拼贴画对具象图像和表现手段的复杂态度,以说明这如何支撑了密斯在其设计系统中的变化并最终决定了建筑的内容。这一讨论的核心将是密斯采用标准的美国轧制工字钢作为新的结构表现秩序的"现成的"标志物。
Mies first used exposed steel I-beams, or, more precisely, wide-flange beams, in the Minerals and Metals Research Building, completed during the war and as part of America's wartime effort, approximately four years after planning was begun for the new campus of IIT.50 But it was only in 1945, with the start of construction on the buildings at the formal center of the campus - namely, Alumni Memorial Hall, the Metallurgical and Chemical Engineering Building, and the Chemistry Building - that the question of representation came to the surface. In these, for the first time, Mies externalized the steel structure of the building as an essentially decorative and representational construct, acknowledging the applied, indeed collaged, character of the elements by stopping them just short of the ground. For reasons of fireproofing, he had to encase the I-shaped steel columns in concrete; to give them visible expression, he was then forced to represent, or replicate, them on the surface. As Mies later said, there was what might be called a "good reason" for such a decision, and then there was the "real reason."" The "good reason," in this case, was that the channels of the exposed I-beams could act as receptacles for the aluminum window mullions and brick infill panels. But the "real reason," as is made evident once again, and even more clearly, in the plan of 860-880 North Lake Shore Drive, was an aesthetic one. There, the attached I-beams, which do serve to strengthen the mullions and stiffen the frame, set up an insistent and overall rhythm of vertical elements that represent the concealed structure for expressive purposes.
密斯第一次使用外露的工字钢,或者更准确地说,宽翼梁,是在战争期间完成的矿物和金属研究大楼中,作为美国战时努力的一部分,大约是在开始规划IIT新校园的四年之后。但是,直到1945年,随着校园正式中心的建筑--即校友纪念堂、冶金和化学工程大楼以及化学大楼--开始施工,表现问题才浮现出来。在这些建筑中,密斯首次将建筑的钢结构作为一种本质上的装饰性和表现性的构造而外化,通过将其停在离地面不远的地方,承认了这些元素的应用性,实际上是拼贴的特性。由于防火的原因,他不得不将I型钢柱包裹在混凝土中;为了让它们得到可见的表达,他不得不在表面上表现或复制它们。正如密斯后来所说,这样的决定有一个所谓的"好理由",然后是"真正的理由"。在这种情况下,"好的理由"是,暴露在外的工字梁的通道可以作为铝窗框和砖填充板的容器。但是,"真正的原因",在北湖滨路860-880号的平面图中再次得到证明,甚至更清楚,是一个美学原因。在那里,连接的工字钢,确实起到了加强木梁和加强框架的作用,建立了一个持续的和整体的垂直元素的节奏,代表了隐蔽的结构,以达到表达的目的。
Now, let us try to see how the three collages we have been studying provided a basis for this development. The first thing to note is that the particular structural element being discussed here - the I-beam - was new to Mies's vocabulary and contrasted in almost every way with the typical cruciform-shaped support he had favored since the 1920s. Where the I beam asserts a strong figural presence, with a face, a back, and a solid vertical spine, the cruciform-shaped column is a negative, inward-turning form. It is perceived as the linear abstraction of a point support. This was further emphasized by the reflective chrome casing that Mies used to sheathe the four steel angles bolted together to give the cross-section. The plan of the columns for the Barcelona Pavilion reveals another interesting fact, which is that the center of the construct is hollow, reinforcing our reading of the column, not as a figure of support, but as an abstract marker of space - defining the internal edges of the square grid of the floor and manifesting, in purely spatial terms, the point of intersection of the planes. As a trace of conjunction and crossing, the shimmering, chrome-sheathed column becomes as abstract as the Cartesian grid it defines.
现在,让我们试着看看我们一直在研究的三幅拼贴画是如何为这种发展提供基础的。首先要注意的是,这里讨论的特殊结构元素--工字钢--对密斯的词汇表来说是新的,而且几乎在所有方面都与他自1920年代以来一直青睐的典型十字形支架形成了对比。工字梁主张强烈的形象存在,有脸、有背、有坚实的垂直脊柱,而十字形的柱子是一个消极的、向内转的形式。它被认为是一个点支撑的线性抽象。米斯用反光的镀铬外壳来保护四个用螺栓固定在一起的钢角,使其截面更加突出。巴塞罗那馆的柱子的平面图揭示了另一个有趣的事实,那就是构造的中心是空心的,这加强了我们对柱子的解读,它不是一个支撑的形象,而是一个抽象的空间标记--界定了地板的方形网格的内部边缘,并在纯粹的空间方面体现了平面的交汇点。作为连接和交叉的痕迹,闪闪发光的镀铬柱子变得和它定义的笛卡尔网格一样抽象。
Mies continued to employ this type of support in the Resor House and in the Museum for a Small City; but now the abstraction of the form came into conflict with the "reality" of the photographic image. The contrast with the readymade, sheer physical presence of the photograph in the Resor House, in particular, threw into bold relief the dematerialized, non-objective character of the column; and this, to such an extent, that the cruciform-shaped support no longer appeared as a positive point of intersecting planes, but as a negative cut, or gap, in the picture of reality presented in the view of the landscape. The cruciform column thus became a void that had to be filled, and would soon be filled, as in the Farnsworth House, conceived in 1945-46, by the readymade, structural reality of the more assertive wide-flange I-shaped column.
密斯在雷索尔之家和小城市博物馆中继续采用这种支撑方式;但现在,这种抽象的形式与摄影图像的"现实"发生了冲突。与现成的对比,特别是在雷索尔之家的照片的纯粹的物理存在,使柱子的非物质化、非客观性得到了大胆的强调;而且,在这种程度上,十字形的支架不再作为平面相交的正面点出现,而是作为景观视图中的现实图片的负面切割或差距。十字形柱子因此成为一个必须填补的空白,并将很快被填补,就像在1945-46年构思的Farnsworth房子里一样,被现成的、结构上更坚定的宽翼I形柱子所填补。
In the Farnsworth House, the physical reality of the steel structure in the background of the Concert Hall is brought into the foreground as the declarative image of the building. Though not strictly representational in the terms we have been using, since the exposed columns do not portray anything otherwise hidden, the whiteness of their painted surface serves, nevertheless, to transform the standard steel members into something other than what they started out as. Like actors on stage, they seem to be playing a special role in an architectural drama and thus are, in effect, idealized. More important for my argument, however, is the way in which the photographic reality of the figure of the landscape in the Resor House seems to have imploded in on the structural voids of its architectural ground to reemerge, on the exterior plane of the window-wall of the Farnsworth House, with a physical presence that now gives the structure a figural role of its own. As the embodiment of a new technological order, the I-shaped columnar figure positively defines, as it frames, the surrounding landscape.
在Farnsworth House中,音乐厅背景中的钢结构的物理现实被带到了前台,成为建筑的宣言性形象。虽然从严格意义上讲,这并不是我们一直在使用的表现手法,因为暴露在外的柱子并没有描绘出任何其他隐藏的东西,但它们表面的白色油漆还是起到了将标准钢构件转化为其他东西的作用,而不是它们最初的样子。就像舞台上的演员一样,他们似乎在建筑剧中扮演着一个特殊的角色,因此,实际上是被理想化了。然而,对我的论点来说,更重要的是,雷索尔房子里的景观形象的摄影现实似乎已经在其建筑地面的结构空隙中内爆,重新出现在法恩斯沃斯房子的窗墙的外部平面上,具有一种物理存在,现在给结构一个它自己的形象角色。作为新技术秩序的体现,这个I型柱状物积极地界定了周围的景观,因为它是框架。
We can see how the figure-ground reversal may have occurred by returning, once more, to the Concert Hall, the project that appears to lie on the cusp of Mies's changeover from the cruciform to the I-shaped column. At the same time, we will be able to see more clearly what this reversal implies about the question of concealment and expression of meaning. From the point of view of representation, the Concert Hall can be read as an inversion of the Resor House. In the house, the physical reality of the readymade imagery is given over to the non-architectural elements; in the Concert Hall, by contrast, it is the architectural structure that is made physically present through the photograph. And, where the structure is kept in reserve in the house, and serves to obstruct a continuous view of the landscape, in the Concert Hall it is the applied planes of paper that mask the structure and its graphic contents. Thus, when the reality of the ready-made imagery finally takes on the positive form of the steel structure of Kahn's airplane factory, its connotations and supplementary meanings relating to the military-industrial complex are concealed from the aesthetic attentions of the observer. The Farnsworth House, because of its idealizing whiteness and bucolic setting, seems to exemplify this process of transformation and sublimation that lies at the core of artistic representation. But it is the more typical buildings, like Alumni Memorial Hall at IIT and the double apartment block on North Lake Shore Drive, that prove more instructive and enlightening, for the very fact that they had to accommodate those realities of construction such as fireproofing, which forced Mies to make the distinction between the real and the ideal - or truth and verisimilitude - and thus give us the evidence of deception, which is to say, the fiction that is a normal aspect of the process of representation.
我们可以通过再次回到音乐厅来了解数字-地面的逆转是如何发生的,这个项目似乎位于密斯从十字形到I形柱子的转变的边缘。同时,我们将能够更清楚地看到这种逆转对意义的隐藏和表达问题的暗示。从表现的角度来看,音乐厅可以被解读为雷索尔之家的反转。在房子里,现成图像的物理现实被交给了非建筑元素;相比之下,在音乐厅里,建筑结构通过照片被物理地呈现出来。而且,在房子里,结构被保留下来,并阻碍了景观的连续视野,而在音乐厅里,是纸的应用平面掩盖了结构和它的图形内容。因此,当现实中的现成意象最终以卡恩的飞机工厂的钢结构的正面形式出现时,它的内涵和与军工综合体有关的补充意义被掩盖在观察者的审美关注中。法恩斯沃斯的房子,由于其理想化的白色和田园风光,似乎体现了这种转变和升华的过程,而这正是艺术表现的核心。但事实证明,更典型的建筑,如IIT的校友纪念馆和北湖滨路的双层公寓楼,才更具有指导性和启发性,因为它们必须适应那些建筑的现实,如防火,这迫使密斯区分真实和理想--或真相和真实性--从而给我们提供欺骗的证据,也就是说,虚构是表现过程的一个正常方面。
Beginning at least with Alberti and the early Renaissance in Italy, we can see that process at work. In Alberti's Palazzo Rucellai, for instance, the "real," rubble construction of the building is masked by a relatively thin veneer of classical ashlar, referring to historical prototypes such as the Roman Colosseum in order to provide an "ideal" structure as the visible expression of the building's noble program. Where the building was left incomplete, on the right, the distinction between truth and verisimilitude becomes quite visible. Here, of course, truth takes a back seat and essentially goes unnoticed. The ideal, or representational, structure predominates and transcends any base reference to actual facts of construction. Like a judge's robe, it defines the social and institutional role of its bearer, raising that person or building, as the case may be, from the status of the ordinary to a figure of order and authority.
至少从阿尔贝蒂和意大利的文艺复兴早期开始,我们可以看到这个过程在发挥作用。例如,在阿尔贝蒂的鲁切利宫,建筑的"真实"瓦砾结构被相对较薄的古典灰岩饰面所掩盖,参考了罗马斗兽场等历史原型,以提供一个"理想"的结构作为建筑的高尚程序的可见表达。在建筑不完整的地方,在右边,真理和真实性之间的区别变得非常明显。当然,在这里,真理处于次要地位,基本上不被注意。理想的,或者说表现性的结构占主导地位,超越了对实际建筑事实的任何基本参考。就像法官的袍子一样,它定义了其持有者的社会和机构角色,将这个人或建筑(视情况而定)从普通人的地位提升到秩序和权威的形象。
The classical system of representation was based on a theory of metaphor bound up in an economy of transformation. The mythic source of the classical orders in the forms and proportions of the human body, or in the trees and wood huts of the primitive dwellers of Greece, was constantly alluded to by Renaissance architects. It was eventually made into a theory of origins by Enlightenment thinkers such as Marc-Antoine Laugier or William Chambers, the latter of whose explanation of the sequential transformation of wood to stone forms is illustrated in a well-known plate from his Treatise on Civil Architecture of 1759. Change from one material to another was thus read as a sign of artistic progress and quality - the image of this sign being the illusion of representation. The masking and concealing of origins, only to reveal them in a sublimated form of expression, well describes the metaphorical nature of Renaissance and post-Renaissance classicism. The lack of concern for the actual physical substrate or reality of the building allowed for that sense of transparency that rendered the illusion meaningful and wholly credible. The representation, be it of the human body or of the trees of the primitive hut, substantiated the myths in which these same forms were grounded.
古典的表现体系是基于一种与转化经济相联系的隐喻理论。文艺复兴时期的建筑师们不断提到古典秩序在人体形式和比例中的神话来源,或希腊原始居民的树木和木屋。它最终被启蒙思想家如Marc-Antoine Laugier或William Chambers变成了一种起源理论,后者在其1759年的《民用建筑论》中对木材到石头形式的依次转变的解释被展示出来。因此,从一种材料到另一种材料的变化被解读为艺术进步和质量的标志--这种标志的形象是代表的幻觉。对起源的掩盖和隐藏,只是为了以一种升华的表达方式来揭示它们,很好地描述了文艺复兴和文艺复兴后的古典主义的隐喻性。对建筑的实际物理底层或现实缺乏关注,使得这种透明感成为有意义的、完全可信的幻觉。无论是对人体还是对原始小屋的树木的表现,都证实了这些相同形式所依据的神话。
In this very important sense, Mies's system of representation is quite different, although no less a system of representation thereby: the attached I-beams are never merely an "expression" of structure. Those who have dealt with the matter in any great detail have tended to describe the Miesian solution, especially as it evolved at North Lake Shore Drive, either as a form of "symbolic" substitution or as a matter of "metaphor." In what remains the most interesting and extensive treatment of the subject, William Jordy called the applied I-beam a "surrogate of the actual structure," characterizing Mies's rhythmic grouping of them as "the symbolic pilasters of his builded-art." Thomas Beeby, in a general discussion of the idea of ornament in modern architecture, spoke of the "very sophisticated ornamental device" of the attached I-beams "as a visual metaphor for the structure behind," acutely noting that the steel mullions are merely a "reiteration" and not a transformation of what lies underneath.
在这个非常重要的意义上,密斯的表现系统是相当不同的,尽管它并不是一个表现系统:附加的工字钢从来都不仅仅是结构的"表达"。那些详细讨论过这个问题的人倾向于描述密斯的解决方案,特别是它在北湖滨路的演变,要么是一种"象征性"的替代,要么是一个"隐喻"的问题。在对这个问题最有趣和最广泛的处理中,William Jordy称应用的工字钢是"实际结构的代用品",将密斯的有节奏的分组描述为"他的建筑艺术的象征性壁柱"。托马斯-比比(Thomas Beeby)在对现代建筑中的装饰理念进行一般性讨论时,谈到了附加工字梁的"非常复杂的装饰装置","作为背后结构的视觉隐喻",并敏锐地指出,钢制支柱只是"重复",而不是对下面的东西进行改造。
In idealizing the actual structure rather than "imitating" an ideal one, Mies's collaged I-beams do not represent something other than what they are (such as a human body or a tree). They simply function as signs of what is not there to be seen otherwise. In sidestepping the issue of illusionism by short-circuiting the question of credibility, the reiterated I beams redefine the process and meaning of representation in quintessentially modern terms: as a matter of signification rather than one of figuration. The form "I-beam" is neither "invented" nor "reinvented"; it is, as Jordy noted, just "the utterly commonplace, banal stock item of the steel mill." Such is what Mies had in mind, I think, when he would paraphrase Thomas Aquinas saying "truth is the significance of facts." Mies's represented structure signifies the factual conditions on which its being depends and from which it draws its meaning. As an idealization of those conditions, it gives substance to the modernist myth of the "thing-in-itself," der dinge an sich.
在将实际的结构理想化而不是"模仿"一个理想的结构时,密斯的拼贴工字梁并不代表它们本身以外的东西(如人体或树)。它们只是作为不存在的东西的标志而发挥作用。在避开幻觉的问题,缩短可信度的问题,重申的工字梁以典型的现代术语重新定义了代表的过程和意义:作为一个符号的问题,而不是一个形象的问题。工字钢"的形式既不是"发明的",也不是"重新发明的";正如乔迪所指出的,它只是"钢铁厂的完全普通的、平庸的库存物品"。我想这就是密斯的想法,当他转述托马斯-阿奎那的话时,"真理是事实的意义"。密斯的代表结构标志着它的存在所依赖的事实条件,并从中获得了它的意义。作为这些条件的理想化,它为现代主义的"物自体"神话提供了实质内容,即dinge an sich。
The history of modern art has been written mainly from the point of view of abstraction, so it is difficult, oftentimes, to comprehend fully the significance and changing character of the representational impulse that has been equally at work within it. It is no doubt for this reason that Clement Greenberg referred to Jasper Johns's work of the mid-to late 1950s as an example of "homeless representation," meaning lacking any true ground in a modernist sense and being ultimately alien to modernist practices. Thinking of Mies in terms of Johns's nearly contemporary cast bronze sculptures, such as his Light Bulb of 1960, might therefore be of some use in understanding the broader implications of what occurred worldwide, though perhaps first and most trenchantly in American art and architecture of the postwar period. Johns's Light Bulb, like Mies's I-beam, redefines representation in the mechanical terms of replication and reproduction. Literality, rather than metaphor, is the issue. Muteness and silence are the operative terms of expression. The material presence of a common object - the "thing-in-itself" -becomes a means for questioning the loss of subjectivity and the increasing abstraction and anonymity of modern life.
现代艺术史主要是从抽象的角度来写的,所以很多时候很难完全理解在其中同样起作用的表现主义冲动的意义和变化的特征。毫无疑问,正是由于这个原因,克莱门特-格林伯格将贾斯珀-约翰斯在1950年代中后期的作品称为"无家可归的表现"的例子,这意味着在现代主义的意义上缺乏任何真正的基础,并最终与现代主义的实践相背离。因此,从约翰斯近乎当代的铸铜雕塑的角度来思考密斯,比如他1960年的《灯泡》,可能对理解在全世界范围内发生的更广泛的影响有一定的帮助,尽管可能首先在战后的美国艺术和建筑中发生,而且是最深刻的。约翰斯的《灯泡》,就像密斯的《工字钢》一样,重新定义了复制和再生产的机械术语的代表性。文字性,而不是隐喻,是问题的关键。无力和沉默是表达的有效术语。一个普通物体的物质存在--"本身的东西"--成为质疑现代生活中主体性的丧失以及日益抽象化和匿名化的手段。
Seriality, with its attendant flattening out of experience, is one result of mechanical reproduction, as Andy Warhol showed in his multiple reproductions of silk-screened photographs ranging from dollar bills and Campbell's soup cans to electric chairs and fatal car crashes. His painting of an atomic bomb blast drives home the point about the power of modernist representation to disclose, in unexpected ways, things that might otherwise be allowed to slip back into the recesses of the mind. And yet, no matter how literal and seemingly self-evident the image appears, there is always a blur. By definition, representation is a matter of concealing something else, something that is suggested by its replacement as well as something we are dissuaded from thinking about by that very act of replacement. To begin to correlate, in our mind's eye, the seen and the unseen - the known and the unknown - we have first to identify the signs.
正如安迪-沃霍尔(Andy Warhol)在他的丝网印刷照片的多重复制中所显示的那样,从美元钞票和金宝汤罐到电椅和致命的车祸,都是系列性的,以及随之而来的经验的扁平化,是机械复制的一个结果。他的原子弹爆炸的画作使人们认识到现代主义表现的力量,以出乎意料的方式披露那些可能被允许溜回心灵深处的事物。然而,无论图像的字面意义和看似不言而喻的程度如何,总是有一个模糊的地方。根据定义,表征是一个掩盖其他东西的问题,这些东西是由它的替代物所暗示的,也是我们被这种替代行为所劝阻的东西。为了开始在我们的心目中把看到的和看不到的--已知的和未知的--联系起来,我们必须首先确定这些标志。
If we are eventually to understand what Mies's architecture represents in terms of modern culture and its recent history, we must, at the outset, try to determine what value and meaning to assign to the I-beam, the sign par excellence of his expressive vocabulary. There can be little doubt that steel, especially for the European looking to America for a vision of modernity in the 1920s and 1930s, was not a neutral, value-free material. Both Richard Neutra, in his book Wie Baut Amerika? of 1927, and Erich Mendelsohn, in his Amerika of one year earlier, depicted the application of the products of the steel industry to architecture in a quasi-utopian light. Steel (and later aluminum) represented, as perhaps no other material did, the power and force of modern industry, initially embodied in the railroad, then in the ocean liner and automobile, and finally in the manufacture of airplanes. It was a force both for good and for ill. Mies clearly pondered the meaning of all this long and hard, as was his won't. "Technology is far more than a method," he wrote in 1950, "it is a world in itself." In Mies's view, it was technology that distinguished the modern age from all previous periods in history and defined, in "objective" and "expressive" terms, as he said, "the inner structure of the epoch out of which [a true architecture] arises." But technology, he also noted, "promises both power and grandeur, a dangerous promise for man who has been created neither for one or the other."
如果我们最终要理解密斯的建筑在现代文化及其近代史方面所代表的意义,我们必须在一开始就尝试确定赋予工字钢什么样的价值和意义,工字钢是他表现性词汇中最出色的标志。毫无疑问,钢铁,特别是对于在20世纪20年代和30年代向美国寻求现代性愿景的欧洲人来说,并不是一种中性的、没有价值的材料。理查德-诺伊特拉(Richard Neutra)在他1927年出版的《Wie Baut Amerika》一书中,以及埃里希-门德尔松(Erich Mendelsohn)在一年前出版的《Amerika》一书中,都以一种准乌托邦的方式描述了钢铁工业产品在建筑中的应用。钢(以及后来的铝)代表了现代工业的力量和力量,也许没有其他材料能做到这一点,最初体现在铁路上,然后是远洋轮船和汽车,最后是飞机的制造上。它是一种有利有弊的力量。密斯显然对这一切的意义进行了长期而艰苦的思考,正如他的意愿。"他在1950年写道:"技术远不止是一种方法,"它本身就是一个世界"。在密斯看来,正是技术将现代时代与历史上的所有时期区分开来,并以"客观"和"表达"的方式定义了他所说的"时代的内在结构,而[真正的建筑]就是从这个时代产生的"。但是,他也指出,技术"既承诺了权力,也承诺了宏伟,这对既不为一个也不为另一个而创造的人来说,是一个危险的承诺"。
"Although Mies often presented himself as merely an instrument of this power - "serving" it rather than "ruling" it, as he would say he surely saw, in its unalloyed expression in the Martin Assembly Building, something that needed editing, and even commentary. However we wish to interpret it, the process of editing involved concealment and sublimation. This editing, and this sublimation, took a different course once the war was over. Then, the power of technology came to the surface; it was represented, and made into an order, with all the authority the classical orders once had, though without their metaphorical transparency. Mies openly celebrated and gave ideal form to the industrial machinery that had brought Allied victory in World War II and his adopted country of America to its position of international power. His new technological order encoded these "facts" and gave modern architecture, for nearly a quarter of a century, a lingua franca rigorously commensurate with them. In this light, Mies's wartime experience, as viewed through the collages for the Resor House, the Museum for a Small City, and the Concert Hall, seems less like an interregnum than a time of profound and substantive reorientation.
"尽管密斯经常把自己说成是这种力量的工具--"服务"于这种力量,而不是"统治"这种力量,正如他所说的那样,他肯定在马丁大会堂的不折不扣的表达中看到了需要编辑的东西,甚至是评论的。无论我们如何解释,编辑的过程涉及到隐瞒和升华。一旦战争结束,这种编辑和升华就有了不同的方向。然后,技术的力量浮出水面;它被表现出来,并被制成一种秩序,具有古典秩序曾经拥有的所有权威,尽管没有其隐喻的透明度。密斯公开颂扬并赋予工业机械以理想的形式,这些工业机械给盟军在二战中带来了胜利,也给他所收养的美国带来了国际力量的地位。他的新技术秩序对这些"事实"进行了编码,并在近四分之一个世纪中为现代建筑提供了一种与之严格相称的语言符号。从这个角度来看,通过雷索尔住宅、小城市博物馆和音乐厅的拼贴画,密斯的战时经历似乎不像是一个闭塞期,而是一个深刻的、实质性的重新定位的时期。