整理 | 事实的意义：密斯的拼贴画的近距离与个人化 （上）bb
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整理 | 事实的意义：密斯的拼贴画的近距离与个人化 （上）
' The significance of Facts ' : Mies's collage up close and personal
Neil Levine
标题不知道翻译得准不准，等我看完文章回来改
In the turbulent years between 1938 - when he left Germany for America as an enemy alien - and 1942 - when he began building the first component of his master plan for the Illinois Institute of Technology (IIT) - Mies van der Rohe produced three designs for projects that remain, in the form of the collages by which they are best known, among the most significant works of his career and ones absolutely crucial for understanding its postwar evolution. Rarely viewed or studied as a group, the Resor House (1937-39), the Museum for a Small City (1941-42), and the Concert Hall (1941-42) share a uniquely powerful set of formal and expressive concerns that allow, indeed, force us to think about how we should read their imagery and content both in terms of their immediate wartime context and as a basis for the reengagement with representation - and the consequent movement away from abstraction - that Mies's architecture came to manifest after the war.
在1938年--他作为敌国侨民离开德国前往美国--和1942年--他开始为伊利诺伊理工学院（IIT）建造其总体规划的第一个部分--之间的动荡岁月里，密斯-凡-德-罗为项目设计了三幅作品，这些作品以拼贴画的形式出现，是他职业生涯中最重要的作品之一，对于理解其战后的演变绝对是至关重要的。这些设计以拼贴画的形式为人所知，是他职业生涯中最重要的作品之一，对于理解战后的演变绝对是至关重要的。雷索尔住宅（1937-39）、小城市博物馆（1941-42）和音乐厅（1941-42）很少被作为一个整体来看待或研究。(1941-42)共享一套独特的强大的形式和表现力的关注点，这些关注点允许，事实上，迫使我们思考我们应该如何从其直接的战时背景和作为重新参与表现的基础来阅读他们的图像和内容--以及随之而来的 密斯的建筑在战后表现出了对表现力的重新认识--以及随之而来的远离抽象的运动。
Fundamental to this development is that Mies now chose the pictorial medium of collage as the one best suited to his expressive purposes and that the readymade images he incorporated were by no means neutral in political and cultural terms. The method of appropriation and application implicit in the collage technique soon informed the system of structural expression he developed in his actual buildings at IIT and ultimately became his way of characterizing, and representing, what he liked to call "the will of the epoch" and what President Dwight D. Eisenhower, even then, cautiously referred to as the growing danger of America's "military industrial complex." My title, "'The Significance of Facts': Mies's Collages Up Close and Personal," is intended to indicate not only the kind of detailed reading the work demands but also, in its juxtaposition of Mies's own high-minded statement of philosophical purpose with a reference to the Hollywood movie starring Michelle Pfeiffer and Robert Redford, something of the extraordinary amalgam of the poetic and the everyday his American work came to involve.
这一发展的根本在于，密斯现在选择了拼贴这一绘画媒介作为最适合他的表达目的的媒介，而他所加入的现成的图像在政治和文化方面绝不是中立的。拼贴技术中隐含的挪用和应用方法很快为他在IIT的实际建筑中开发的结构表达系统提供了信息，并最终成为他描述和代表他喜欢称之为"时代的意志"以及德怀特-D-艾森豪威尔总统（甚至在当时）谨慎地称为美国"军事工业综合体"的日益增长的危险的方式。我的题目是"'事实的意义'。我的题目是"事实的意义：密斯的拼贴画近距离和个人化"，不仅是为了表明对作品的详细解读，而且也是为了表明，将密斯自己对哲学目的的高瞻远瞩的陈述与米歇尔-菲佛和罗伯特-雷德福主演的好莱坞电影并列在一起，表明他的美国作品所涉及的诗意和日常的非凡结合体。
America vs. Germany
Almost axiomatic to any analysis of Mies's architecture is the idea that his career can be neatly divided into two halves, the first ending in 1937 with the project for the Silk Industry Administration Building at Krefeld, and the second beginning in 1945 with the construction of Alumni Memorial Hall at IIT. Each is usually treated as a discrete phenomenon having its own very particular formal characteristics, though a rigorous continuity of philosophical purpose is held to underlie and unify the whole in an almost timeless fashion. In this scenario, the interregnum of emigration and war serves mainly a negative function. The formal differences between the prewar work in Europe and the postwar work in America have often been described, but the essentials are worth repeating in order to clarify the period of transition we shall be focusing on and the conventional critical wisdom it may help to displace. Reference to two well-known examples can serve our purpose. These are the German Pavilion in Barcelona, built for the International Exhibition of 1929, which, along with the Tugendhat House, is usually taken to be the exemplary building of Mies's European period, and the Seagram Building in New York, begun in 1954 and finished in 1958, probably Mies's most celebrated "American" work. The former - low, horizontal, built of sleek materials, elegantly detailed is an open spatial composition, most often described in terms of De Stijl abstraction and transcendent spirituality. Transparent and reflective surfaces, like tinted glass, polished marble, onyx, and chrome, deny any sense of physical exertion to the structure, the internalized, chrome-encased cruciform-shaped supports being the most telling evidence of this. With its steel frame seemingly directly expressed in its four square, unadorned form, the Seagram Building, by contrast, is most often read as derived from typically American conditions of construction ("Chicago frame") and thus considered to be expressive of a more pragmatic structural rationalism.
对密斯建筑的任何分析，几乎不言而喻的是，他的职业生涯可以整齐地分为两半，第一半在1937年以克雷菲尔德的丝绸工业管理大楼项目结束，第二半在1945年以IIT的校友纪念馆的建设开始。每一个项目通常都被视为一个独立的现象，有其非常特殊的形式特征，尽管严格的哲学目的的连续性被认为是整个项目的基础，并以一种几乎永恒的方式统一起来。战前在欧洲的工作和战后在美国的工作在形式上的差异经常被描述，但为了澄清我们将关注的过渡时期和它可能有助于取代的传统批评智慧，这些要点值得重复。参考两个著名的例子可以达到我们的目的。它们是为1929年国际博览会建造的巴塞罗那德国馆，与图根哈特大厦一起，通常被认为是密斯欧洲时期的典范建筑，以及纽约的西格拉姆大厦，1954年开始，1958年完工，可能是密斯最著名的"美国"作品。前者--低矮、水平、用光滑的材料建造，优雅的细节是一个开放的空间构成，最常被描述为De Stijl抽象和超越的精神性。透明和反光的表面，如有色玻璃、抛光大理石、玛瑙和铬合金，否认了结构的任何体力消耗感，内化的、铬合金包裹的十字形支架是最能说明问题的证据。西格拉姆大厦的钢架似乎直接表现在其四四方方、不加修饰的形式上，相比之下，它最常被解读为来自典型的美国建筑条件（"芝加哥框架"），因此被认为是表现了一种更实用的结构理性主义。
Its frontality and symmetry give it a "static" appearance, usually described as "monumental," quite the opposite of the "dynamic," dematerialized spatial structure of the Barcelona Pavilion. In fact, the schematic character often attributed to Mies's American work is generally seen as undermining the dialectical synthesis of structure and space in the earlier buildings and producing, in those of the postwar years, either the three-dimensional structural grid of the Seagram Building type, or, at the other extreme, the single-volume, clear span "universal space" epitomized by the Convention Hall project for Chicago of 1952-54.4 The critical discussion of Mies's postwar work thus finds its fundamental frame of reference in the two absolutes of pure structure and pure space and its essential meaning in the abstraction of expression assumed to devolve from them. Yet there have been intriguing suggestions to the contrary. Philip Johnson, who was the associated architect for the Seagram Building and whose friendship with Mies dated back to the late 1920s, wanted to see beyond the totalizing abstraction of postwar Mies a positive reference to the classicism of Schinkel. He went so far as to compare the New York tower with the early-nineteenth-century Altes Museum in the lecture on "Schinkel and Mies" he published in 1962.5 More recently, Fritz Neumeyer, in his book The Artless Word of 1986, related such references to the very source of the neoclassical theory of representation in Marc-Antoine Laugier's famous Essay on Architecture of the mid-eighteenth century. He tellingly compared the unenclosed structure of Mies's Farnsworth House with Laugier's primitive hut, the putative model for the classical temple.6 While not disputing the essential thrust of these suggestive comparisons, my own reading of Mies's post-1937 work will be less general, less transhistorical, and less abstract. For a start, we might briefly look at the Convention Hall, a project that clearly derives from the Concert Hall and thus immediately alerts us to the significance of the wartime work. Most discussions of the Convention Hall follow Franz Schulze in seeing its enormous open volume as a "climactic expression of [Mies's] clear-span structure and unitary space."In doing so, they might just as well be describing the naked structure of the building as the large, nearly three-by-four-foot collage Mies produced to illustrate what the building might actually look like when in use as the site of a national political convention. Schulze himself mused that "Mies's motive in making the collage must have been more poetically representational than technically instructive," but he, like most others, refused to speculate on what this poetic representation might involve. To begin to unravel this, we must, in my view, attend to the visible surface of things, a surface Mies specifically and dramatically foregrounded through the collage technique. When we take this surface, often highly figurative, seriously into account, fascinating questions arise and a whole other level of signification is implied.
它的正面性和对称性给了它一个"静态"的外观，通常被描述为"纪念碑"，与巴塞罗那馆的"动态"、非物质化的空间结构完全相反。事实上，通常归因于密斯的美国作品的模式化特征被认为破坏了早期建筑中结构和空间的辩证综合，并在战后的建筑中产生了西格拉姆大厦类型的三维结构网格，或者在另一个极端，1952-54年芝加哥会议厅项目所代表的单体、清晰跨度的"通用空间"。 4因此，对密斯战后作品的批评性讨论在纯结构和纯空间这两个绝对因素中找到了其基本的参考框架，而其基本含义则是假定从这两个因素中衍生出来的抽象表达。然而，有一些耐人寻味的建议与此相反。菲利普-约翰逊是西格拉姆大厦的相关建筑师，他与密斯的友谊可以追溯到20世纪20年代末，他想在战后密斯的总体化抽象中看到对辛克尔古典主义的积极参照。他甚至在1962年发表的关于"申克尔和密斯"的演讲中，将纽约塔楼与十九世纪初的阿尔特博物馆进行了比较。5最近，弗里茨-诺伊梅尔在其1986年出版的《无艺术的文字》一书中，将这种参考与十八世纪中期马克-安托万-劳吉尔著名的《建筑学论文》中的新古典主义表现理论的来源联系起来。他很有说服力地将密斯的Farnsworth House的非封闭结构与Laugier的原始小屋进行了比较，后者被认为是古典神庙的模型。6虽然对这些暗示性的比较的主旨没有异议，但我自己对密斯1937年后的作品的解读将不那么一般，不那么跨历史，也不那么抽象。首先，我们可以简要地看一下会议厅，这个项目显然来自于音乐厅，因此立即提醒我们注意战时作品的意义。大多数关于会议厅的讨论都追随弗朗茨-舒尔茨，将其巨大的开放体量视为"[密斯的]清晰跨度结构和单一空间的高潮表达"。 这样做，他们可能只是在描述该建筑的结构，而不是密斯为说明该建筑作为国家政治会议场所时的实际面貌而制作的近3×4英尺的大型拼贴画。舒尔茨自己也认为，"密斯制作拼贴画的动机一定是诗意的表现，而不是技术上的指导"，但他和其他大多数人一样，拒绝猜测这种诗意的表现可能涉及到什么。为了开始解开这个问题，在我看来，我们必须关注事物的可见表面，这是密斯通过拼贴画技术特别和戏剧性地突出的表面。当我们认真考虑这个通常是高度具象的表面时，迷人的问题就会出现，并隐含着另一个层次的符号。
The collage is composed of three horizontal bands, with a single vertical element hanging midheight near the left edge. The deep truss of the ceiling, occupying more than half the height of the drawing, is depicted as a tightly interwoven, three-dimensional white grid. The two visible wall planes suspended between floor and ceiling are green marble slabs, which, in a second version of the collage, carry images of state and presidential seals. Grounding the design is a montage of sepia prints made from a Life magazine color photograph of the 1952 Republican Convention, cut and pasted together to provide a panoramic frieze of activity on the depressed convention floor. The signs for Ike and Taft seem fairly evenly dispersed among the chaos of state placards characteristic of the enthusiastic display of local pride such national party events tend to arouse. Somewhat more ominous are the posters, like the one in the foreground just to the left of center, that say "Impeach Earl Warren," the nemesis of conservatives in the McCarthy era.
这幅拼贴画由三条水平带组成，左侧边缘附近有一个悬挂在中间高度的单一垂直元素。天花板的深桁架占据了画作一半以上的高度，被描绘成一个紧密交织的三维白色网格。悬挂在地板和天花板之间的两个可见的墙面是绿色的大理石板，在第二个版本的拼贴画中，它们带有国家和总统印章的图像。设计的基础是由《生活》杂志1952年共和党大会的彩色照片制成的棕褐色印刷品的蒙太奇，切割和粘贴在一起，提供了一个压抑的大会会场上活动的全景楣。艾克和塔夫脱的标语似乎相当均匀地分散在各州的标语牌中，这些标语牌的特点是热情地展示当地的自豪感，这样的全国性党派活动往往会引起人们的关注。更不吉利的是那些海报，比如前台正中左边的那张，上面写着"弹劾厄尔-沃伦"，他是麦卡锡时代保守派的克星。
The most prominent, and perhaps most curious, element of the design is the lone vertical one to the left. It is an applique of a small American flag, made of fabric and hanging from the roof truss between two of the state seals. It is the kind of miniature flag attached to tiny sticks that are waved by children in July Fourth parades and bought in five-and-dime stores. The ready-made, pop imagery recalls Jasper Johns's series of painted Flags, begun the same year the collage was finished and which, as much as anything else, returned the question of representation to the forefront of contemporary critical discourse while seemingly leaving the issue of politics up in the air. (Clement Greenberg referred to Johns as producing a kind of "homeless representation," somewhere between abstraction and traditional illusionism, a description, as we will see, that might even more literally be applied to Mies.)"
设计中最突出的，也许也是最令人好奇的元素是左边那个孤独的垂直元素。它是一面小型美国国旗的贴花，由织物制成，悬挂在两个州印之间的屋顶桁架上。这是那种附在小棍子上的微型国旗，孩子们在国庆节游行中挥舞着，在五毛钱的商店里买到。这种现成的、流行的图像让人想起贾斯帕-约翰斯的彩绘旗帜系列，该系列是在完成拼贴画的同一年开始的，与其他任何东西一样，它将代表的问题回到了当代批评话语的前沿，同时似乎将政治的问题留在了空中。克莱门特-格林伯格（Clement Greenberg）称约翰斯产生了一种"无家可归的表现"，介于抽象和传统幻觉之间，正如我们将看到的那样，这一描述甚至可以更真实地适用于密斯。
' The choice of a Republican imagery for a city controlled by Democrats, for a project sponsored by a municipal authority, in the same year that the Democratic party itself nominated Illinois's own governor Adlai Stevenson as its party's presidential candidate - for whom Mies, a naturalized American citizen since 1944, himself voted - renders the issue of interpretation complicated indeed. For sure, Mies did not intend the work to have a specific, literal meaning in the context of contemporary affairs. It is neither pro-Republican nor anti-Republican, on the surface of things. But there is, as Schulze noted, a "poetically representational" layer of meaning, one that Arthur Drexler earlier on described as "bring[ing] architecture into the realm of heroic enterprise" to create "the most monumental image twentieth-century architecture has yet produced." Clearly signifying something beyond mere space or structure, the collaged imagery of the Chicago Convention Hall condenses, into what is arguably the most powerful political statement of architecture conceived in the Cold War era, a visual representation of the core symbolic moment of the American democratic political process, at the scale of modern technology and in the terms of modern mass culture. Neither explicitly celebratory nor overtly critical, the collage blurs the boundaries between those two poles - as it submerges the crowd of people beneath the deep walls and roof structure - to work across the entire spectrum as a stringent diagnostic.
在民主党提名伊利诺伊州州长阿德莱-史蒂文森为该党总统候选人的同一年，为一个由民主党人控制的城市，为一个由市政当局赞助的项目，选择了一个共和党人的形象--密斯，自1944年入籍的美国公民，亲自为他投票--使解释问题确实复杂。可以肯定的是，密斯并不打算让这件作品在当代事务的背景下具有特定的字面意义。从表面上看，它既不是支持共和党的，也不是反对共和党的。但是，正如舒尔茨所指出的，有一层"诗意的表现"的意义，阿瑟-德雷克斯勒早些时候将其描述为"将建筑带入英雄事业的领域"，以创造"二十世纪建筑所产生的最不朽的形象"。显然，芝加哥会议厅的拼贴图像所象征的东西超越了单纯的空间或结构，它浓缩成了可以说是冷战时期构思的最有力的建筑政治声明，以现代技术的规模和现代大众文化的术语对美国民主政治进程的核心象征时刻进行了视觉表述。既不是明确的庆祝，也不是公开的批评，拼贴画模糊了这两极之间的界限--因为它将人群淹没在深墙和屋顶结构之下--作为一种严格的诊断，在整个光谱中发挥作用。
Little given to small talk or to speaking his mind, Mies, we are told over and over again, was a totally apolitical individual, caring not a wit to involve himself with such mundane matters as government policy, ideology, or leadership. Scholarship on Mies thus rarely strays from the discussion of architecture as philosophy or form into the realm of political issues and contextual realities. One area, and clearly a very significant one, however, has attracted a good deal of attention recently, and that is Mies's attitude toward the Nazi regime that came to power in Germany in 1933, forcing him to close the Bauhaus (of which he had become director nearly three years before) and eventually to emigrate to the United States. That, unlike many of his colleagues in the intellectual and artistic communities, Mies only left Germany as late as 1938 has raised certain questions and even suspicions. In addition, it has been noted that he not only joined a number of National Socialist organizations and even signed a petition in support of Hitler, but that he also accepted certain government commissions such as the project for the Pavilion of the Third Reich for the Brussels International Exhibition of 1935.14 It is a design in which the symbol of an imperial eagle, directly on axis with the entrance, flanked by an enormous swastika inscribed on the wall on the right, opposite the words "Third Reich" on the left, make explicit the Nazi imagery, which is underscored by the symmetry and monumentality of the space. Yet the building remains starkly modern and thus has been interpreted as part of Mies's continuing effort, even in the face of the aggressive return to classical representation favored by Hitler, to promote an architecture of geometric abstraction as an appropriate expression of the collective ideals and technological prowess of the new National Socialist state. Indeed, although Sibyl Moholy-Nagy called Mies a "traitor" and others have described him as an "opportunist," serious scholarly opinion is almost undivided in maintaining that Mies's efforts to work with the regime merely illustrate a dogged belief on his part in the possibility of convincing the Nazis of the value of modern architecture for their cause as well as, it should be added, a complete na'fvet6 and disinterest in matters political.'
我们一再被告知，密斯不喜欢闲聊，也不喜欢说出自己的想法，他是一个完全非政治化的人，对政府政策、意识形态或领导力等世俗事务不屑一顾。因此，关于密斯的学术研究很少从作为哲学或形式的建筑的讨论转向政治问题和背景现实的领域。然而，有一个领域，而且显然是一个非常重要的领域，最近吸引了大量的关注，那就是密斯对1933年在德国上台的纳粹政权的态度，这迫使他关闭了包豪斯（他在三年前成为包豪斯的主任），并最终移民到美国。与他在知识界和艺术界的许多同事不同，密斯直到1938年才离开德国，这引起了某些问题，甚至怀疑。此外，有人指出，他不仅加入了一些国家社会主义组织，甚至签署了支持希特勒的请愿书，而且还接受了某些政府委托，如1935年布鲁塞尔国际博览会第三帝国馆的项目。 在这个设计中，帝国之鹰的标志与入口正对轴线，两侧是刻在右边墙上的巨大的纳粹标志，与左边的"第三帝国"字样相对，使纳粹的意象显而易见，而空间的对称性和纪念性更突出了这一点。然而，该建筑仍然具有鲜明的现代性，因此被解释为密斯继续努力的一部分，即使面对希特勒所青睐的对古典表现形式的积极回归，也要促进几何抽象的建筑，作为新的国家社会主义国家的集体理想和技术实力的适当表达。事实上，尽管Sibyl Moholy-Nagy称密斯为"叛徒"，其他人将他描述为"机会主义者"，但严肃的学术观点几乎一致认为，密斯与政权合作的努力只是说明他坚信有可能说服纳粹相信现代建筑对其事业的价值，以及应该补充的是，他对政治事务完全不感兴趣。
Such a reading of Mies has carried over into the wartime and postwar work. Despite their almost blatant political references, the first projects of his in America, like the one for the Concert Hall that provided the precedent for the Convention Hall, have invariably been described as simply predicting the focus on the purely formal aspects of structure and space seen as characteristic of Mies's subsequent steel and glass architecture of the 1950s and 1960s. In fact, the disinclination to acknowledge political content literally forced critics initially into a position of almost having consciously to avoid accurate description. When first Philip Johnson and then Arthur Drexler, both close acquaintances of Mies, described the Concert Hall collage - one that Mies created by pasting pieces of colored paper and a reproduction of a sculpture by Aristide Maillol over a photograph of the interior of a war-time American assembly plant that was being used, at that very moment, to manufacture planes to bomb Germany - they both refused to admit the readymade aspect of the project, leaving the reader to assume that Mies had been responsible for designing the entire structure rather than just retrofitting it. In the text of his catalogue for the Mies exhibition at the Museum of Modern Art in 1947, Johnson simply noted how, in the Concert Hall, "walls and ceilings are pulled apart and disposed within a trussed steel and glass cage" so that "space eddies in all directions among interior planes of subaqueous weightlessness"; according to Drexler's more disingenuous account of thirteen years later, "here interior columns have been eliminated. They are replaced by a vast steel truss of the sort used in airplane hangars or factories. In the entirely free space this roof makes possible, Mies suspends completely separate wall and ceiling planes," thus fulfilling, in the author's view, the architect's purely formal program. And although later commentators have noted the identity of the preexisting photograph, the meaning that a bomber plant might have had as the basis for a concert hall designed soon after America entered World War II has continued to remain undiscussed, thus preserving the abstract, formalist interpretation of the project.'
对密斯的这种解读一直延续到战时和战后的作品中。尽管他在美国的第一个项目几乎是公然的政治参考，像为会议厅提供先例的音乐厅项目，总是被描述为简单地预测了对结构和空间的纯粹形式方面的关注，这被视为密斯随后在50年代和60年代的钢铁和玻璃建筑的特征。事实上，不愿意承认政治内容的做法在字面上迫使批评家们最初陷入了一种几乎要有意识地避免准确描述的境地。当菲利普-约翰逊和亚瑟-德雷克斯勒这两位密斯的亲密朋友描述音乐厅的拼贴画时--密斯通过将彩色纸片和阿里斯蒂德-马约尔的雕塑复制品粘贴在一张战时美国装配厂的内部照片上而创作的，当时该工厂正被用来制造轰炸德国的飞机--他们都拒绝承认该项目现成的一面，让读者假设密斯负责设计整个结构而不仅仅是改造它。在1947年现代艺术博物馆的密斯展览目录中，约翰逊只是简单地指出，在音乐厅中，"墙壁和天花板被拉开，放置在一个有桁架的钢和玻璃笼子里"，因此"空间在各个方向的内部平面的水下失重中旋转"；根据德雷克斯勒在13年后的更虚伪的描述，"这里的内部支柱已经被取消了。它们被飞机库或工厂中使用的那种巨大的钢桁架所取代。在这个屋顶带来的完全自由的空间里，密斯悬挂了完全独立的墙壁和天花板，"因此，在作者看来，实现了建筑师的纯粹的形式方案。而且，尽管后来的评论家们注意到了前期照片的身份，但美国加入二战后不久设计的音乐厅，轰炸机厂可能具有的意义仍然没有得到讨论，从而保留了对该项目的抽象的、形式主义的解释'。
It would be wrong, however, to say that all Mies's work has evaded sociopolitical interpretation. Indeed, there is one important and extremely relevant group of projects, the so-called court houses of the period just before Mies left Germany, that provide a basis for such an alternative point of view. While using the same formal language and compositional system of the Barcelona Pavilion and the Tugendhat House, these consistently inward-turning designs, when contrasted with those earlier buildings, have often been described as registering a sense of withdrawal from the hostile world of Berlin of the mid-1930s and thus expressing a mood of isolation, even escapism.'9 It is therefore interesting to recall that the courthouse became one of Mies's prime building types once he left Germany, especially in his teaching curriculum for IIT, although it then underwent a very significant change in being rendered through collage.20 This collage technique, as we will see, was prominently used by Mies for the Resor House project, the one that first brought him to the United States in 1937. While these later drawings clearly register a sense of alienation and estrangement that can be related to the previous Berlin designs, there is something radically different now. In response to the social and political environment of Berlin of the mid-1930s, the courthouses reflected a subtle shift in expression through a realignment of forms. The American collages, with their physical imprint of elements from the real world, register a more profound change, one that speaks not merely of isolation or escape but of the search to construct a new practice and a new identity in a world where things can no longer be considered natural and transparent but must be reviewed in all their opacity as objects of representation. The three projects we will now turn to can be seen as responses to the profound dislocation of exile and the consequent trauma of living and working as an enemy alien in time of war.
然而，如果说密斯的所有作品都回避了社会政治的解释，那是不对的。事实上，有一组重要的、极其相关的项目，即密斯离开德国前那段时间的所谓法院房屋，为这种替代观点提供了基础。虽然使用了与巴塞罗那馆和图根哈特宫相同的形式语言和构图系统，但这些一贯向内的设计，当与那些早期建筑对比时，常常被描述为记录了一种从1930年代中期柏林的敌对世界中退出的感觉，从而表达了一种孤立的情绪，甚至是逃避主义。 因此，有趣的是，一旦密斯离开德国，法院就成为他的主要建筑类型之一，特别是在他为IIT设计的教学课程中，尽管它随后经历了一个非常重要的变化，即通过拼贴来呈现。正如我们将看到的，这种拼贴技术被密斯突出地用于雷索尔住宅项目，这是他在1937年首次来到美国的项目。虽然这些后来的图纸清楚地记录了一种疏远和隔阂的感觉，可以与之前的柏林设计联系起来，但现在有一些根本不同的东西。为了应对1930年代中期柏林的社会和政治环境，这些法院通过重新调整形式反映了表达方式的微妙变化。美国的拼贴画，以其来自现实世界的元素的物理印记，记录了一个更深刻的变化，这不仅仅是指孤立或逃避，而是指在一个事物不再被认为是自然和透明的，而是必须作为表现对象的所有不透明的世界中寻求构建一个新的实践和一个新的身份。我们现在要讨论的三个项目可以被看作是对流亡的深刻错位以及随之而来的在战争时期作为敌方外国人生活和工作的创伤的回应。
Resor House
The commission that initially brought Mies to America was a vacation house for Helen and Stanley Resor, vice president and president, respectively, of the J. Walter Thompson Advertising Agency, the biggest in the world at the time. The Resors, who were important collectors of modern painting with strong ties to the Museum of Modern Art in New York, owned a large ranch along the Snake River, in the Grand Teton Mountains, near Jackson Hole, Wyoming. A creek branching off from the river and running through the property defined the eastern edge of the flat area where the log cabins they lived in were located. Just north of a dam in the creek was a group of farm buildings. These unassuming structures were dwarfed by the snow-capped mountains looming directly behind them.
最初将密斯带到美国的是为海伦和斯坦利-雷索尔（Helen and Stanley Resor）建造的度假屋，他们分别是当时世界上最大的J.Walter Thompson广告公司的副总和总裁。雷索夫妇是现代绘画的重要收藏家，与纽约的现代艺术博物馆关系密切，他们在怀俄明州杰克逊霍尔附近的大提顿山脉的蛇河沿岸拥有一个大牧场。一条小溪从河边分支出来，流经庄园，界定了他们居住的木屋所在的平坦区域的东部边缘。就在小河中的一个水坝北面，有一组农场建筑。这些不起眼的建筑在它们身后隐约可见的雪山面前显得相形见绌。
Having decided to build a modern house that would straddle the creek and thus take maximum advantage of the view, the Resors hired Philip Goodwin, whom Helen Resor, in particular, would have known through her connections with MoMA. This was probably sometime in late 1935 or early 1936. Disagreements occurred, and a recent Harvard graduate named Marc Peter took over in the late summer of 1936 as a combined of clerk-of-the-works and designer. A service wing was built on the east bank and concrete piers supporting a wooden platform were constructed in the creek to carry the major living space above it. This work was completed by the summer of 1937 when Mies arrived on the scene.
在决定建造一座横跨小河的现代房屋，从而最大限度地利用景观后，雷索夫妇聘请了菲利普-古德温，特别是海伦-雷索，她会通过与纽约现代艺术博物馆的关系认识他。这可能是在1935年底或1936年初的某个时候。1936年夏末，一位名叫马克-彼得的哈佛大学毕业生接管了这里，他既是工厂的职员，又是设计师。在东岸建造了一个服务翼，并在小河中建造了支撑木质平台的混凝土桥墩，以承载上面的主要生活空间。这项工作于1937年夏天完成，当时密斯来到现场。
Looking for a way to get Mies out of Germany and to the United States, Alfred Barr, who was director of the Museum of Modern Art and particularly close to Helen Resor, convinced the Resors to turn the job over to Mies. Helen Resor contacted Mies during the winter of 1936-37.26 She interviewed him in Paris in July 1937 and he visited the Wyoming site in August. After spending a few weeks there studying the site and sketching out ideas, Mies completed the design in New York during the fall and winter of 1937-38 in the office of two of his former students at the Bauhaus, John Barney Rodgers and William Priestley. He returned to Germany in early April to put his affairs in order prior to taking up the permanent position he had been offered as head of the architecture school at IIT.
阿尔弗雷德-巴尔（Alfred Barr）正在寻找一种方法让密斯离开德国来到美国，他是现代艺术博物馆的馆长，与海伦-雷索尔关系特别密切，他说服雷索尔夫妇将这项工作交给密斯。1937年7月，她在巴黎采访了密斯，他在8月访问了怀俄明州的工地。在那里花了几周时间研究场地并画出草图后，密斯于1937-38年秋冬在纽约完成了设计，在他以前在包豪斯的两个学生约翰-巴尼-罗杰斯和威廉-普里斯特利的办公室。他于4月初回到德国，在接受IIT建筑学院院长的长期职位之前，将自己的事务安排妥当。
The contract drawings for the Resor House, dated 21 March 1938, were produced by Rodgers. The design preserved the already built structure (which appears to the right on the upper elevation and to the left on the lower one) and more or less doubled it on the other side of the stream, creating an open-plan, glass-walled space between the two blocks, on the existing platform, which Mies hoped eventually to be able to lower somewhat. The steel-frame and wood structure was to be sheathed in wood panels and to incorporate large areas of plate glass and fieldstone masonry. The plan shows the eccentrically shaped block on the east reused as the service wing, the new block on the west bank housing the bedrooms, and the central, open living-dining space articulated by cruciform-shaped columns supporting the flat roof, which is cantilevered well beyond the edge of the floor-to-ceiling "picture windows," the term Rodgers used to describe the expansive window-walls.
1938年3月21日，罗杰斯绘制了雷索尔之家的合同图纸。该设计保留了已经建成的结构（出现在上层立面的右边，下层立面的左边），并在溪流的另一边或多或少地增加了一倍，在两个街区之间的现有平台上创造了一个开放的、玻璃墙的空间，密斯希望最终能够降低一些。钢架和木质结构将被覆盖在木板上，并纳入大面积的平板玻璃和田园石砌体。平面图显示，东边的古怪形状的建筑被重新用作服务翼，西岸的新建筑容纳了卧室，中央的开放式客厅-餐厅空间由十字形的柱子支撑着平顶，平顶的悬臂远远超出了落地"图片窗"的边缘，罗杰斯用这个词来描述广阔的窗墙。
The house proceeded in fits and starts over the next few years: it was postponed indefinitely (by Stanley Resor), for financial reasons, as Mies was leaving for Germany in early April 1938; it was revived the following November and redesigned at a reduced scale and cost by March 1939; discussions continued through 1941, but all thought of building ceased in 1943 when a spring flood washed away the existing piers and service building. Most interesting for us, however, is the way in which Mies developed the design in the form of two extraordinary collages, one looking south and the other north, the latter in the direction of the existing farm buildings as seen in a photograph supplied to him by the Resors (fig. 8).
在接下来的几年里，房子的建设一直在进行：由于经济原因，它被无限期推迟（由Stanley Resor负责），因为密斯在1938年4月初就要去德国了；次年11月，它又被重新提起，并在1939年3月以较小的规模和成本重新设计；讨论一直持续到1941年，但在1943年，一场春季洪水冲走了现有的码头和服务建筑，所有关于建设的想法都停止了。然而，对我们来说，最有趣的是密斯以两幅特别的拼贴画的形式来发展设计，一幅向南看，另一幅向北看，后者是在雷索尔夫妇提供给他的照片中看到的现有农场建筑的方向（图8）。
The collages are, in fact, perspectives seen from the living room that bridges the stream. But instead of extending the space into depth, as the foreshortened lines of internal columns and window mullions would imply, the compositions of cut and pasted photographs sandwich the room and com-press the space into a strange, depthless void. Foreground becomes background, and vice versa. Architecture, as construction, disappears in this photographic tabula rasa. The blank vertical lines of the cruciform-shaped columns and window mullions, and the horizontal planes of floor and ceiling, are treated as reserved, negative spaces, cutting, surrounding, and providing the neutral two-dimensional ground for the free-standing objects in the room and the photographic images of the landscape hermetically sealing it and pressing in from outside. The view to the south shows the mountains in forced perspective, with a greatly enlarged color reproduction of the Paul Klee painting The Colorful (or Gay) Repast, owned by the Resors, acting as a floor-to-ceiling room divider behind a wood-veneer service bar. The sense of disorientation and displacement is physically reinforced by the deliberate play on distance and perspective. The view in the other direction, to the snow-capped Tetons, gives even fewer spatial indices, foregrounding the image of the mountains as a matter of topographic location rather than a continuous field of human occupation. Indeed, a preliminary version of the collage looking north gives many more indications of local culture, such as the rustic bridge in the foreground and the nearby barn and ranch buildings. As they were cropped out, the singular drama of the scene made it now seem as if nothing else was there but the mountains.
事实上，这些拼贴画是从连接溪流的客厅里看到的视角。但是，这些剪切和粘贴的照片组合并没有像内部柱子和窗棂的前短线所暗示的那样将空间延伸到深度，而是将房间夹在中间，将空间压成一个奇怪的、没有深度的空白。前景变成了背景，反之亦然。建筑，作为建筑，在这个摄影的塔布拉拉萨消失了。十字形的柱子和窗棂的空白垂直线，以及地板和天花板的水平面，被当作保留的负空间，切割、包围，为房间里的独立物体和密封的风景摄影图像提供中性的二维地面，并从外面压进来。南面的风景显示了山的强制透视，由雷索尔夫妇拥有的保罗-克利的画作《多彩（或同性恋）的盛宴》的大幅放大的彩色复制品，在木制文房四宝吧台后面充当了落地的房间隔板。故意玩弄距离和透视法，使迷失方向和流离失所的感觉得到了物理上的加强。从另一个方向看，白雪皑皑的提顿山脉，给出的空间指数甚至更少，突出了山脉作为一个地形位置问题的形象，而不是一个人类占领的连续领域。事实上，初步版本的拼贴画向北看，给出了许多当地文化的迹象，如前景中的质朴的桥梁和附近的谷仓和牧场建筑。当它们被裁剪掉时，场景的单一戏剧性使它现在看起来好像除了山之外没有其他东西。
The spatial discontinuity and sense of alienation conveyed by the collages contrast palpably with many of the country house designs Mies had produced in Germany in the earlier part of the decade. In the Hubbe House of 1935, for instance, a delicate perspectival drawing weaves interior and exterior together in a composition where space, structure, and landscape are seen, and felt, as transparent to and integral with one another. The sense of being at home in the world contrasts with the unheimlich quality of the Resor House. In large part, this has to do with the difference between the seamless continuity of the drawing and the abrupt transitions and dislocations of the collage. Which leads us to consider the Resor House in relation to Mies's earlier photomontages, the technique he favored in the 1920s.
这些拼贴画所传达的空间不连续性和疏离感与密斯在十年前在德国创作的许多乡村住宅设计形成了明显的对比。例如，在1935年的Hubbe住宅中，一幅精致的透视画将室内和室外交织在一起，空间、结构和景观被看作是透明的，并感觉到它们是相互融合的。在这个世界上的家的感觉与雷索尔之家的不咸不淡的品质形成了对比。在很大程度上，这与绘画的无缝连续性和拼贴画的突然过渡和错位之间的差异有关。这使我们考虑到雷索尔的房子与密斯早期的照片拼贴画的关系，这是他在20世纪20年代喜欢的技术。
In the project of 1928 for Berlin's Alexanderplatz, there is a similar opposition of light and dark, of new construction and existing environment. But in the earlier photomontage, the new is highlighted in contrast to the old. The modern buildings are foregrounded with an auratic glow, while the surrounding environment is seen in dreary relief. In the Resor House, the priorities are reversed. The modern structure of the building is dematerialized, almost to the point of self-denial, while the surrounding environment is made the positive visual presence. We can almost speak here of an absence of volition, a submission to forces beyond our control. The continuous surface and hierarchically gradated design for the Alexander platz show the architect in control, manipulating the existing urban fabric and asserting a new presence in the center. In the Resor House, modern technology is reduced to a mere frame - and a negative one at that - for editing a distant, alien, and unfamiliar nature. The photographic representation of the landscape preserves and asserts its exteriority to the perceiving subject, as a perspectival rendering would not. The architecture registers the mountain's existence as a fact, outside and beyond, yet constantly in view. The collage maintains the environment's otherness, "for only in this way," as Wolf Tegethoff notes, "can the interior maintain its identity and integrity, provide shelter and security, and nevertheless convey a feeling of freedom."
在1928年的柏林亚历山大广场项目中，也有类似的光与暗、新建筑与现有环境的对抗。但在早期的摄影作品中，新的东西与旧的东西形成了对比，得到了强调。现代化的建筑被赋予了灵动的光辉，而周围的环境则被看成是沉闷的浮雕。在Resor House中，优先次序被颠倒了。建筑的现代结构被非物质化，几乎到了自我否定的地步，而周围的环境则成为积极的视觉存在。我们在这里几乎可以说是没有意志的，是对我们无法控制的力量的服从。亚历山大广场的连续表面和层次分明的设计显示了建筑师的控制力，他操纵了现有的城市结构，并在中心地带宣称了一个新的存在。在Resor House中，现代技术被简化为一个单纯的框架--而且是一个负面的框架--用于编辑一个遥远的、陌生的和不熟悉的自然。景观的摄影表现保留了它的外部性，并向感知主体申明，而透视渲染则不会。建筑将山的存在记录为一个事实，在外面，在外面，但却一直在视野中。拼贴画保持了环境的外部性，"因为只有这样，"沃尔夫-特盖特霍夫指出，"内部才能保持其身份和完整性，提供庇护和安全，并传达一种自由的感觉"。
These signs of alienation and displacement read as powerful expressions of the experience of exile in a personal and general, rather than a specifically political, sense. Between the Resor House and the new campus for IIT, which he began planning in 1939 and where he completed his first building in the United States in 1943, Mies designed two large public structures that gave expression to the political dimension through explicit references to the war in Europe. The first was the Museum for a Small City and the second the Concert Hall. Both were done in 1941-42 and developed in relation to masters' theses by George Danforth and Paul Campagna, respectively, that Mies was on currently supervising.
这些疏远和流离失所的迹象被解读为对个人和一般意义上的流亡经历的有力表达，而不是具体的政治意义。在雷索尔住宅和他于1939年开始规划、并于1943年完成他在美国的第一座建筑的IIT新校区之间，密斯设计了两个大型公共建筑，通过明确提及欧洲的战争来表达政治层面。第一个是小城市博物馆，第二个是音乐厅。这两座建筑都是在1941-42年完成的，并分别与乔治-丹佛斯和保罗-坎帕格纳的硕士论文有关，密斯目前正在指导他们。